With birth rates falling across the developed world, baby bonuses are making a political comeback. In the United States, Donald Trump has floated a “baby bonus” policy to boost family formation. But does handing out cash actually encourage people to have more children?
Australia tested this idea two decades ago—and the results are still unfolding. In 2004, the federal government introduced a universal Baby Bonus—$3,000 per child at birth, later increased to $4,000 and then $5,000—to encourage families to “have one for mum, one for dad, and one for the country,” as then–Treasurer Peter Costello famously put it. We revisit what happened after this policy rolled out, and whether it offers useful lessons for policymakers looking to respond to declining fertility.
What happened to birth rates after the Baby Bonus?
To understand whether the Baby Bonus influenced people’s decisions to have children, we examined monthly birth rates over time—especially around February 2005, exactly nine months after the policy’s announcement.
That’s when we’d expect to see births from pregnancies potentially encouraged by the new incentive. And that’s exactly what we see: a clear and sudden rise in births.
The birth rate, which had been flat or declining, jumped sharply at the point the policy would start affecting behaviour. This pattern strongly suggests that the Baby Bonus led some families to start having children who otherwise might not have at that time.
But could this increase have simply reflected a broader global trend?
Several countries saw modest upticks in fertility during the mid-2000s, driven by economic growth or demographic shifts.
To test this, we compared birth trends in Australia to those in New Zealand—a country with similar demographics and economic conditions, but no baby bonus.
What we found is striking: birth counts in New Zealand stayed flat, while in Australia they rose by about 1,275 per month, or roughly 7%, precisely when the Baby Bonus would have begun affecting decisions.
This divergence also strongly suggests that the spike in Australia was a direct response to the financial incentive. While other countries experienced gradual demographic changes, only Australia saw a sudden, policy-aligned surge in births.
Australia’s experience with the Baby Bonus provides rare, real-world evidence that direct financial incentives can shape fertility behaviour—at least in the short term. Though influential in its time, the policy had a finite lifespan—it was eventually abolished in March 2014, following the introduction of Australia’s national paid parental leave scheme in 2011. After the Baby Bonus ended, families who were not eligible for the paid parental leave scheme could instead receive a smaller Newborn Supplement, delivered through the Family Tax Benefit Part A.
But did the Baby Bonus lead to more babies—or just bring forward decisions?
This is the big question, and we don’t yet have the full answer.
While it is clear the policy triggered a short-term increase in births, it remains uncertain whether families ultimately had more children or simply had them earlier.
This distinction matters. A policy that affects when people have children is very different from one that affects whether they do.
We’re currently working on a detailed analysis to explore this. Our upcoming work will assess whether the Baby Bonus led to lasting increases in completed family size (a quantum effect) or mostly shifted the timing of births (a tempo effect).
We’ll also examine how responses varied across age, income, and birth order. Early evidence suggests the Baby Bonus had particularly strong effects on third births and among older mothers—groups for whom the policy appears to have increased completed family size, not just shifted timing. These patterns point to a possible quantum effect, where the policy led to additional children that might not have been born otherwise.
Why does this matter now decades later?
With fertility rates in decline and ageing populations putting pressure on government budgets, governments around the world are searching for solutions that work. Should they offer money to encourage people to have children?
Australia’s experience suggests that financial incentives can influence fertility behaviour—at least in the short run. The Baby Bonus clearly encouraged some people to start families who might not have otherwise.
But whether such policies increase family size in the long run—or just bring forward the decision to have a child—remains to be seen.
It’s important to remember that the decision to have children is affected by a range of factors and involves more than a one-off payment. Broader factors like affordable child care, housing, job security, the availability of grandparental support and flexible work options play a critical role in fertility decisions.
We’ll be releasing further insights soon, including who responded to the policy, and whether the Baby Bonus changed the total number of children families had. Stay tuned.

Pelin Akyol
Pelin Akyol, with a Ph.D. in Economics from Penn State University, is an applied economist with a diverse research portfolio in the fields of Economics of Education, Labour Economics, Demographic Economics, and Health Economics. Leveraging both structural and reduced-form methodologies, her research examines factors influencing both educational and labour market decisions, as well as their impact on social issues and public programs, with a special focus on gender and demographic inequalities. Her research outputs have been published in top economics journals and featured in VoxEU and EducationWeek.

Ali Vergili
Ali recently completed his Ph.D. in Economics at the University of Technology Sydney. His research focuses on applied microeconomics, specifically in development economics, education economics, and demographic economics. Ali utilised microdata to investigate various micro behaviors, providing insights into the consequences of legal reforms, fertility decision-making processes, and the dynamics of auction markets.